In January, the 3rd Circuit ruled against Safehouse, reversing U.S. District Judge Gerald R. McHugh’s October 2019 decision that a site like the one that Safehouse wants to open, where people inject illegal drugs under medical supervision, would be legal. McHugh had ruled that Safehouse would not violate the provision of the U.S. Controlled Substances Act known as the “crack house statute,” written in the 1980s to prosecute people who operate buildings for the purpose of doing drugs. The judge was convinced that Safehouse’s primary “purpose” was not allowing people to do drugs, but instead saving the lives of people who would already be using drugs.
Because McHugh ruled in favor on the statutory claim, he never needed to weigh in on Safehouse’s other arguments: first, that the Safehouse founders’ sincerely held religious beliefs were what motivated them to save lives, and they therefore had a right to open a supervised injection site under the Religious Freedom Restoration Act; and second, that the case is not a matter of federal jurisdiction at all, under the commerce clause.
Safehouse has also submitted a new claim to McHugh, using precedent set in last summer’s U.S. Supreme Court ruling in Fulton v. City of Philadelphia. In that case, Catholic Social Services sued the city for excluding it as a foster care provider because it refused to screen LGBTQ households as potential foster placements. The Supreme Court ruled that while the city may prohibit foster placement agencies from discriminating based on LGBTQ status, if it considers any exemptions to that rule it must consider faith-based exemptions.
Safehouse argues that principle applies to the Controlled Substances Act: It says that there are many exemptions to the application of the law, meaning that under the logic of the high court’s Fulton ruling, an entity such as Safehouse citing religious reasons must be considered for an exemption as well.
The U.S. Attorney’s Office has requested an extension to respond to Safehouse’s new counterclaims and has a deadline of Nov. 5.
That response will be telling in terms of how the Biden administration is thinking about this case. The original federal lawsuit filed against Safehouse came from the Trump-appointed U.S. attorney, William McSwain. Goldfein said she’s hopeful that this administration’s Justice Department may not take the same tack.
Biden has never explicitly stated his position on supervised injection sites, but recent legislation has offered some clues. The $1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan Act committed $30 million to “support community based overdose prevention programs, syringe service programs, and other harm reduction services.”
Biden’s Office of National Drug Control Policy said it would offer “support on the clinical effectiveness of emerging harm reduction practices in real world settings and test strategies to best implement these evidence based practices.”
Still, Safehouse was hoping that the Biden administration would officially weigh in as part of the request to have the Supreme Court hear the case, but the Solicitor General’s Office waived its rights to respond to that petition.