“I am completely mortified that our criminal justice system has failed Breonna Taylor, her family and friends, and frankly, it has failed our country,” said Patrisse Cullors, co-creator of Black Lives Matter and executive director of its network of BLM chapters.
The grand jury’s decision was “just another reminder of how the system doesn’t value Black life,” said Zellie Thomas, a BLM organizer in Paterson, New Jersey, who led a vigil Thursday night, in the aftermath of the announcement.
“Breonna got featured on covers of magazines, she got TV specials, she got streets named after her,” he said. “But she didn’t get justice. All these things seem nice, but it’s nothing compared to justice.”
For the Rev. Starsky Wilson, the grand jury’s failure to indict in Taylor’s death was all too familiar. He was a co-chair of the Ferguson Commission, which recommended wide-ranging policy reforms after the 2014 police shooting death of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri. The announcement that the officer who killed Brown would not be indicted sparked an uprising by residents in the majority Black city.
Wilson, incoming president of the Children’s Defense Fund, said the system “was never designed to give people the kind of care or sense of accountability that people are looking for.”
The Taylor case “is a watershed moment for the Black Lives Matter movement,” said Alvin Tillery Jr., an associate professor of political science at Northwestern University. “The activists are going to have to supplement their disruptive protests with political organizing and voting if they are going to change the environment in Kentucky.”
Some Louisville activists say their goals remain unchanged. They want the immediate firing and revocation of the pensions of the officers involved in the raid that killed Taylor (one of whom has been fired already), defunding or divesting from the Louisville Metropolitan Police Department and creating independent civilian oversight of police.
But to the stalwarts in the Louisville square, Taylor is much more than a rallying point. Even if they never never met her, they feel that they’ve know her deeply, that she could have been any one of them.
“It’s reiterating to me that my life does not matter, that I’m unsafe,” said Millicent Cahoon, a therapist who started a counseling network for the movement.
For months, protesters came to her describing panic attacks and nightmares; they couldn’t eat or sleep. Some don’t know how to process their experience and what it means about their city and their world. “How do I tell my kids?” they wonder.
Now, she worries fatigue and hopelessness could settle in. Her group is offering free therapy to any protester who is struggling.
“You get tired of fighting after a while,” she said. “We want to make sure hope stays alive, so we can keep going.”
The night the decision was announced, Rose Henderson was tending to the memorial to Taylor: a portrait that stands nearly 8 feet tall, circled by signs, painting and flowers that others have left in tribute. This is her space. She orders her fellow protesters to be peaceful and to take care of themselves so they can keep up the fight: Pull up your mask, she tells them, drink more water.
But around her, people were angry. Some set small fires, and threw plastic bottles at police. About a mile away, two police officers were shot and wounded, and that, too, broke Henderson’s heart. She felt like she’d lost control.
Lines of officers in riot gear descended on the square, and a loudspeaker ordered everyone to disperse, threatening to use chemical agents if they stayed.
So she left.
She and Woolfolk both cried themselves to sleep, and cried again when they awakened the next morning.
Though Henderson had barely missed a day at the square, Woolfolk worried she might not come back right away; it had been a hard day.
But then Mama Rose walked in, arranged the memorial just right, scolded people to pull up their masks and drink more water.
Woolfolk asked her if she was OK.
“No, I’m not,” Henderson said, “but I’m going to keep going.”