Lawyer Jason Murray, representing the voters, pressed the point that Trump incited the Capitol attack to prevent the peaceful handover of power “for the first time in history.”
Mitchell argued that the Capitol riot was not an insurrection and, even if it was, Trump did not directly participate.
Trump, speaking to reporters after the proceedings, called the Supreme Court argument “a beautiful thing to watch in many respects,” even as he complained about the case being brought in the first place.
“I hope that democracy in this country will continue,” he told reporters at his Mar-a-Lago club in Florida.
Trump could be back before the Supreme Court in a matter of days to seek an emergency order to keep his election subversion trial on hold so he can appeal lower-court rulings that he is not immune from criminal charges.
That issue had a brief airing Thursday, when Justice Brett Kavanaugh said a more legally sound approach to disqualifying someone from office is found in a federal criminal statute against insurrection.
Someone prosecuted for insurrection “if convicted, could be or shall be disqualified” from office, Kavanaugh said.
Mitchell agreed, but with a caveat, Trump’s claim of immunity. “So we would not concede that he can be prosecuted for what he did on January 6th,” Mitchell said.
The exchange was largely hypothetical because, while Trump faces criminal charges related to Jan. 6, he has not been charged under the insurrection statute.
The justices heard more than two hours of history-laden arguments in their first case considering Section 3 of the 14th amendment.
Chief Justice John Roberts worried that a ruling against Trump would prompt efforts to disqualify other candidates, “and surely some of those will succeed.”
Trump’s lawyers argue that the amendment can’t be used to keep Trump off the ballot for several reasons.
For one thing, they contend the Jan. 6 riot wasn’t an insurrection, and even if it was, Trump did not go to the Capitol or join the rioters. The wording of the amendment also excludes the presidency and candidates running for president, they say. Even if they are wrong about all of that, they argue that Congress must pass legislation to reinvigorate Section 3.
Sotomayor at one point gently mocked part of Mitchell’s argument for why Trump is not covered by Section 3. “A bit of a gerrymandered rule, isn’t it, designed to benefit only your client?” Sotomayor said.
The lawyers for Republican and independent voters who sued to remove Trump’s name from the Colorado ballot counter that there is ample evidence that the events of Jan. 6 constituted an insurrection and that Trump incited it. They say it would be absurd to apply Section 3 to everything but the presidency or that Trump is somehow exempt. And the provision needs no enabling legislation, they argue.
But Murray face sustained, difficult questioning across the high-court bench, including from Justice Neil Gorsuch and Kagan, two justices for whom Murray once worked as a clerk.
If the court in the end upholds the Colorado decision, it would amount to a stunning declaration that Trump did engage in insurrection and is barred by the 14th Amendment from holding office again. That would allow states to keep him off the ballot and imperil his campaign.